Phumtham: give us a chance, coalition and Pheu Thai stand firm

The Constitutional Court will on August 29 deliver its ruling on Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra in the case stemming from a leaked audio clip of a conversation with Hun Sen, President of the Cambodian Senate. She faces accusations of committing a serious ethical violation, a judgment that could cost her the premiership.

The stakes are high for the Shinawatra family. Should Paetongtarn lose her seat, the centre of political power may shift away from the family stronghold at Chan Song La residence.

Although conservative blocs still need Pheu Thai MPs in Parliament to shore up their power, the Shinawatra–Pheu Thai alliance could be forced to play within a framework set by others.

In an interview on Nation TV’s weekend political programme, Deputy Prime Minister and Interior Minister Phumtham Wechayachai, currently serving as acting prime minister, assessed the scenarios facing the government.

Option one: voluntary resignation

One possible path is for Paetongtarn to step down before the Court delivers its ruling. However, Phumtham said he has never heard such a proposal during discussions among party leaders, nor from Paetongtarn herself. He dismissed the likelihood of this option.

Option two: survival and continuity

If Paetongtarn prevails and remains in office, Phumtham said it would be a fortunate outcome for the country and for the government. He argued that surviving the crisis would allow the administration to rebuild confidence and stability for another one to two years. Pressures would still come from external sources, he acknowledged, but emphasised that both the prime minister and the cabinet were prepared to face the challenge: “We volunteered to solve problems, and we will confront them together.”

Option three: succession if she falls

Should Paetongtarn be removed, questions arise over whether coalition partners would continue to back a Pheu Thai candidate. Phumtham stressed his confidence in Paetongtarn’s integrity, saying, “Today we know the prime minister has done nothing wrong. If she had, there would be doubts. But as long as we can move forward together, there will be no splits.”

Asked about the possibility of nominating Chaikasem Nitisiri, Pheu Thai’s other prime ministerial candidate, Phumtham said it would depend on circumstances at the time, following the parliamentary process. The alternative of a prime minister from another party would require consensus among coalition leaders.

On whether the government could serve a full term if Paetongtarn survives, Phumtham expressed confidence: “I believe this government will last its full term. We are in a real national crisis, not one of our making. While there have been setbacks, we are determined. If given time, our work will be evident.”

He concluded that the outcome is in the Court’s discretion: “We cannot predict the verdict, but I believe in what the prime minister has said and done. This is not an issue that undermines national security.”

Phumtham is confident coalition partners will stay united

When asked how confident he was that coalition parties would continue to support Pheu Thai if the political equation were to change, Phumtham said: “I believe the coalition partners will still stand by Pheu Thai. I don’t believe anyone will stab us in the back, because my back still feels fine.”

On concerns that public confidence in the government may be waning, Phumtham admitted that polls reflected growing questions among citizens. However, he stressed that performance and actions would ultimately prove the government’s worth. “If the Court rules against the prime minister and she is not given the chance, it would be a disappointment, as much remains to be done,” he said.

He added, “But if she is given the opportunity, I believe all coalition partners will work together to push forward achievements over the next one to two years. Beyond that, it will be up to the discretion of the people to decide.”

Phumtham says caution is needed in dealing with Hun Manet

Responding to questions about the leaked audio clip of Prime Minister Paetongtarn’s conversation with Hun Sen, Phumtham said the incident left him with no trust in either Hun Sen or his associate, Mr Huat.

“When I served as defence minister, the commander of the Second Army told me that Cambodia could not be trusted, after facing them many times. I replied then that every human being has good and bad sides, and we hoped goodwill could solve problems. But after hearing this clip, I felt it was unworthy of a leader to act in such a way. He is not a trustworthy person. Later, when reporters asked if I still trusted Hun Sen, my answer was no,” Phumtham said.

Asked whether the Hun family had already split, given Hun Sen’s son, Hun Manet, is now Cambodia’s prime minister, Phumtham stressed the need for caution: “We must be prudent in talking with him. Hun Sen remains the spiritual leader, while Hun Manet is the head of government. As long as relations do not break down into outright conflict or treaty cancellations, we must continue to talk. The world can only function if people with differing views can still talk to each other.”

Phumtham confirmed that he had spoken with Hun Manet in Malaysia, where the Cambodian leader expressed regret over the incident. “He said he sympathised with us and felt this should not have happened. I told him the problem came from his father. I did not ask why Hun Sen recorded the conversation, because by then the issue had already gone far beyond that,” he said.

Government and military are in tune despite different approaches

Asked whether the government and the military were acting in different keys, with soldiers inclined towards conflict while the government favours negotiation, Phumtham replied that perspectives may differ, but the ultimate goal is shared.

“Each soldier has a different mindset. If I were one, I would want to protect national sovereignty and serve the country, which is understandable. But I believe all sides want the same outcome: to safeguard sovereignty and prevent the loss of citizens’ lives,” he said.

He stressed that the government seeks to protect the nation without resorting to violence, even if the processes differ. “Since my time as defence minister, I have been in constant dialogue with military leaders, including the army commander-in-chief. We always talk,” he added.

Addressing perceptions that the Thai-Cambodian border issue is being handled with the military leading politics, Phumtham explained that the framework had been agreed collectively. In security council meetings, he said, proposals from the armed forces, the Internal Security Operations Command, the Supreme Command, and the regional army were all considered. “If incidents occur, there is a six-step protocol in place. We have authorised the military to respond immediately on the ground. It is not unusual for the military to take the lead in public, but behind the scenes, we coordinate together,” he said.

He described the balance between the two sides with an analogy: “The military is the iron fist, while the government is the velvet glove that balances it. On some matters, the iron fist is necessary; the government accepts this and supports it, since they are already stationed in the area.”

Reflecting on his time in the Defence Ministry, Phumtham said: “I came to understand the military well, even if I was there for only a short time. I also believe they understand me. From what I hear, they encourage me, not pressure. We must work together to help the country overcome this crisis.”

These remarks reflect the role of Phumtham, a trusted operative of the Shinawatra family, navigating both political turbulence and the sensitive Thai-Cambodian border situation, a crisis now closely intertwined with the fate of Prime Minister Paetongtarn and her family’s political legacy.